The Case Against Chevron
Posted by jinn on 2nd December 2009
In this week’s East Bay Express, reporter Peter Asmus outlines the coordinated efforts of several organizations working together to expose Chevron’s human rights abuses and environmental injustices. JINN is one of several organizations featured.
The Case Against Chevron
An unprecedented campaign by at least a dozen nonprofit groups targets the oil company’s global operations and reputation.
Correction posted on the East Bay Express website by JINN Founder regarding her quotes in the Nigeria section of the article below:
JINN wants to thank the East Bay Express and journalist Peter Asmus for thoughtful and detailed coverage of “The Case Against Chevron,” which describes the strength of the coalition that is demanding the company act responsibly with regard to its past liabilities and current operations. I need to offer a few corrections: Justice in Nigeria Now (JINN), the organization I founded and volunteer with may do the work of a larger organization, but it presently is staffed by one Coordinator. The sentence attributed to me stating that “military rogues” blew up the oil facilities is not an accurate quote. In fact, it was armed political militants who took this action in response to military attacks on civilians living in villages near Chevron’s facility in Warri. According to these political militants, they were motivated to substantially shut down oil production because the military attacks injured, killed and displaced villagers who were innocent civilians. The situation in the Delta is complex. It is important to note that for the first 50 years of oil extraction the strongest message by villagers trying to survive in their own communities consisted of non violent protest. Civil disobedience was aimed at oil companies by villagers whose self sufficient lifestyle was destroyed by oil operations that polluted and salinized their water, decimating the fish they ate and ruining their livelihood. Over the last few years, an armed militancy developed in the region. Nonetheless, the large majority of the Delta’s estimated 20 million residents continue to act and live peacefully and nonviolently. To this day, many villagers demonstrate in the spirit of Martin Luther King or Ken Saro Wiwa armed only with placards and songs. At the same time, there is also a set of armed militant groups with political demands who witnessed the suppression of peaceful protests by military might sometimes at the behest of oil companies (who have admitted flying the notoriously brutal Nigerian military to the site of a sit in and paying the Nigerian military field allowances.) The political militants demand the development of the Delta by reinvesting some of the massive $700 billion in profits that Big Oil and the Nigerian government have reaped back into local communities who seek to survive on the land from which this money was extracted. Their demands include jobs, electrification, clean water, and education. When pondering the relatively new development of the armed militancy, one must be take into account that interrupting oil production garners the attention of the international media, the U.S. government, the Nigerian government and even U.S. consumers concerned about prices at the pump. This attention is something that peaceful protesters were unable to muster. All of us who use gas are complicit in the circumstances that make militancy seem attractive. While there are actors employing a range of tactics it is important not to confuse peaceful villagers and armed militant groups, even when they make the same demands. I’m afraid at times Mr. Asmus’ article fails to make that distinction. Laura Livoti Founder Justice In Nigeria Now
The oil industry is more powerful today than at any other time in history save the early 20th century. Thanks to last year’s record run-up in oil prices, seven of the world’s most valuable corporations are now oil companies. Yet just one of those companies has become the focus of intense consumer ire.
Perhaps the largest coordinated activist campaign in history is being launched against the San Ramon-based Chevron Corporation. Foregoing boycotts and other traditional market campaign techniques, non-governmental organizations are creatively communicating the business case for why Chevron should change its ways, focusing on mobilizing company shareholders and consumers to compel the company to come clean and pursue social and environmental leadership.
This unprecedented campaign to make Chevron the poster child of corporate irresponsibility has already persuaded pension funds in California, Maryland, New York, and Pennsylvania to consider selling a total of $12 billion in Chevron shares on the grounds that the firm is mismanaging its operations around the globe. The prime focus of this ongoing anti-Chevron effort has been the company’s annual shareholder meetings, but protests at the Richmond refinery and a series of movie and PR stunts have been also been effective tactics….Read full article
Nigeria Section of article:
Nigeria may represent Chevron’s toughest challenge yet. What happens in Nigeria could have major impacts on future operations in a continent destined to become the top oil producer for the United States in the coming decades. In fact, Africa already supplies the United States with more oil than the Middle East.
Nigeria’s population of 150 million people makes it the most populous country in Africa. The country is torn by cultural and religious strife. The north is predominately Muslim and has traditionally dominated governing structures. The south is comprised primarily of poor Christian populations living near the oil reserves in the Niger Delta, a former fishing community. These southerners traditionally have not had much voice in governmental affairs.
Oil operations have decimated fish populations, interrupting the traditional way of life in the Niger Delta. Many villagers write long detailed letters to Chevron about the impacts oil operations have on their lives — but they never get a response. Chevron employees live in barricades so they have no interaction with the local population. As of late, villagers have become armed and steal oil — locals call it “bunkering” — and Chevron has begun to bribe armed rebels to allow oil to get to market, further entrenching a culture of corruption in Nigeria.
“Oil is so lucrative that a web of mysterious relationships between oil companies, the government, militants, and communities has evolved,” said Laura Livoti, founder of Justice in Nigeria Now, and a longtime activist and radio reporter. Without her group, the issues surrounding oil and this troubled African country would never make the news and become part of the ongoing dialogue about how to reform Chevron and other oil companies operating there. The media tends to ignore what happens in this part of the world, but Livoti’s group, with a staff of two, is determined to change that.
Earlier this year, for example, 20,000 villagers were displaced during a government-backed crackdown funded by Chevron. “No humanitarian aid was allowed, no journalists, no human-rights observers. Military rogues blew up facilities, which shut down the oil industry. Things got so bad, Chevron pulled out all non-essential employees,” Livoti said.
It was this development that prompted the government to offer an amnesty program for militants this past May. While many balked, a large number have come forward to accept amnesty, except the militants most committed to political ideals as well as genuine solutions to local poverty.
The militants and ongoing corruption in Nigeria complicates things. “When the Nigerians were peaceful protestors, it was a lot easier to gain sympathy,” acknowledged Livoti. “Now that an armed resistance as risen up in Nigeria, attracting sympathy — and financial support — is much more difficult,” she said. Read Full article
Tags: bay area, Chevron, East Bay Express, Ecuador, Nigeria, Peter Asmus, Richmond
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