September 7, 2011

By Emma Amaize & Akpokona Omafuaire

Re-posted from Vanguard Media

WARRI-HUNDREDS of placard-carrying women, from about 10 Gbaramatu communities in Warri South-West Local Government Area of Delta State, yesterday, laid siege to the project site of Chevron Nigeria Limited at Chanomi Creek and disrupted the laying of pipelines for the multi-billon dollars Escravos Gas to Liquid project.

The workers of an indigenous service company, Fenog Nigeria Limited, handling the project were helpless as the women refused to vacate the site, while soldiers guarding them looked on.

The women, from Okerenkoko, Oporoza, Benikrukru, Kurutie, Kunukunuma, Azama, Igoba, Pepe-Ama, Tebizon, Kokodiagbene communities, led by Mrs. Comfort Oguma, said both the Federal Government and Chevron deceived them and demanded that all pre-contract agreements be fulfilled.

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Image: Oporoza, Niger Delta, Image source: Sweet Crude

Congress needs to end its dependence on all special interest money

by David Donnelly, national campaigns director for Public Campaign Action Fund, and Steve Kretzmann, executive director of Oil Change International – 08/02/11

Reposted from The Hill

Noticeably absent from this week’s debt ceiling deal between President Obama and Congressional Republicans were the billions in taxpayer subsidies Congress continues to dole out to Big Oil, despite overwhelming support among Americans to end these handouts and in the face of staggering oil company profits released last week. When it came to taking on Big Oil, Congress and the Obama administration blinked.

Cutting Medicare for low and middle-income seniors? On the table. Closing loopholes for profitable, multinational corporations? Not under discussion.

The world’s largest oil companies announced another round of billion dollar profits last week. BP made $5.6 billion. Shell got even more, with over $8 billion. And ExxonMobil’s profits were $10.7 billion – an astounding $117 million a day from April to June. Gas prices are still at record levels and everyday taxpayers are footing the bill for billions of dollars in wasteful subsidies these companies get every year. Big Oil is making big profits—and the American people are paying the price. In fact, we’re paying it twice – once when we fill up our tanks and once when we pay taxes.

And while the 12-member “Super Congress” that will be appointed as part of the deal would technically put cuts to these subsidies on the table, you can bet oil companies will harness their significant political clout to keep their free money. With just 12 members to focus on—instead of 535–that pressure might be even stronger.

Why do these oil companies have so much sway? Just follow the money. A recent report from Public Campaign Action Fund and the League of Conservation Voters found that 93.5 percent (159 of 170) of U.S. House members who received campaign contributions from the political action committees (PACs) of the largest oil companies in the first half of the year voted to maintain these wasteful subsidies. And the three top Republicans in the House – House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio), House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.), and House Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) – received a combined $96,000 in dirty energy money from these PACs in the first six months of the year alone.

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photo – Washington DC – Capitol Hill: United States Capitol, by wallyg  Available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial license. 

Four Communities: Imiringi, Elebele, Otuasega and Oruma stage peaceful protest against Shell, Friday, 08 July 2011

Reposted from Environmental Rights Action (Friends of the Earth Nigeria)

INTRODUCTION:

Four communities where Shell Petroleum Development Company [SPDC] operates in recently issued a 14 days ultimatum to the company, demanding for implementation of agreement reached with the communities in 1999. The communities include: Oruma, Otuasega, Elebele and Imiringi; all Ogbia speaking Ijaw communities in Ogbia Local Government Area of Bayelsa State, few kilometres to President Goodluck Jonathan’s community, Otueke.

Following the ultimatum to Shell, leaders of the community had appeared before the Joint Military Task Force [JTF] at the expiration of the time with a view to settle the matter amicably. Unfortunately, Shell could not convince the aggrieved communities that are demanding that the company honour the agreement it reached with them in 1999, and they decided to stage a peaceful protest to the heavily guarded Shell facility, the Kolo Creek Logistic Base.

ERA’s field monitor witnessed the protest that took place on the 7th of July 2011 and some of the protesters spoke with him.

TESTIMONIES:

We are here for a peaceful protest but if the JTF handles this matter in a violent way we shall only retreat and return in full force. Then it will be too bad for Shell because Shell has cheated us for too long. The Kolo Creek communities have been known to be very peaceful but if the soldiers and Shell take undue advantage of our peaceful disposition today to intimidate us, we shall not take it. If we hear any gun shot or if any of our members is injured here today by the soldiers, the rest of the state and the country will hear our action. All we are demanding for is that Shell should respect the agreement it reached long ago with our people; these four communities. They agreed to extend electricity to our communities but they are not doing so; while benefiting heavily from our oil wells. This is not a fresh demand, it is an agreement reached with us that we are trying to enforce.  — Amakiri Joseph, Vice-Chairman of the Community Development Committee [CDC] of Oruma

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Plaintiffs in Bowoto v. Chevron Ask Supreme Court to Hear Case, EarthRights International, Mon, 2011-06-20

On behalf of nineteen Nigerian plaintiffs in Bowoto v. Chevron Corp., ERI filed a petition to the U.S. Supreme Court today asking the court to hear the case.  Specifically, the petition requests that the Supreme Court overturn the decision in the case by the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which ruled that corporations such as Chevron cannot be sued for torture and extrajudicial killing under the Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA).

The litigation against Chevron arises out of an incident in 1998 in which Nigerian villagers occupied a Chevron offshore oil platform in the Niger Delta in order to protest environmental devastation and economic disruption caused by oil production.  After several days of peaceful protest, Chevron called in brutal Nigerian military and police forces to attack the protestors.  The security forces shot several protestors and killed two, including Arolika Irowarinun, whose family is among the plaintiffs in the case.

In December 2008, a San Francisco jury ruled against the Nigerian plaintiffs.  But the jury never heard the claim that Arolika Irowarinun was subjected to extrajudicial killing, because the court had ruled that Chevron could not be sued under the TVPA.  The only claim for Arolika’s death was a wrongful death claim which, due to idiosyncracies of Nigerian law, required a verdict beyond a reasonable doubt.

The Ninth Circuit rejected the plaintiffs’ appeal in September 2010, agreeing with the trial court that corporations could not be sued for torture or exttrajudicial killing under the TVPA; the court further rejected plaintiffs’ petition for rehearing in February 2011.  This ruling is in conflict with cases decided by another federal court of appeals, the Eleventh Circuit, which has repeatedly ruled that corporations can be sued under the TVPA.

We do not expect a decision from the Supreme Court on whether it will hear the case until September or October.

Documents:
Petition for Certiorari to the U.S. Supreme Court

Nigeria: Public Information is Set Free As FOI Becomes Law, by Idowu Sowunmi, All Africa, 1 June 2011

Abuja — Do you want to know how much Nigeria spends on importing petroleum products and who the contractors are? Simple. All you have to do now is write a letter to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to request the information.

Within seven days, you are entitled to a response. If not, you can take NNPC to court and get an order to compel the corporation to reveal the information.

It may even get better: if any NNPC official attempts to destroy or doctor the records, he or she will be liable to a criminal prosecution, which may result in a one-year prison term.

Welcome to the age of Freedom of Information in Nigeria where many files marked “top secret” by government officials can now be made available to ordinary Nigerians under the Freedom of Information Act, which was signed at the weekend by President Goodluck Jonathan after passage by the National Assembly last week.

This is expected to promote transparency and accountability in government.

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Can the new government of Goodluck Jonathan clean up corruption and set enterprise free in Africa’s most populous country?

Photo credit: AFP

This article is from The Economist online edition, May 26th 2011 | Abuja, Kano and Onitsha

NIGERIANS have taken to watching an old film—one of their own—since the presidential election last month. It shows intrigue and thievery at the court of an ancient king in the Niger Delta. Decked out in glittering costumes on an improvised sound stage, the wicked court at last collapses under the weight of its own sins.

When it was released in 1999, “Saworoide” was seen as a commentary on the regime of Sani Abacha, who ruled (or, as some prefer, “dismembered”) Nigeria between 1993 and 1998. Once again, Nigerians are hoping to see the back of their ruling elite. Goodluck Jonathan, the president, wafts along on a wave of personal goodwill and is mostly seen as benign. It is the men and women around him whom voters blame for Nigeria’s woes.

With Mr Jonathan’s inauguration on May 29th, and the formation of a new government, many expect a turnaround. Two-thirds of Nigerians think the election will change their lives, according to a poll conducted by the International Republican Institute, an American outfit that promotes democracy. “We dream,” says a girl shining shoes. “What else can we do?”

The buoyant mood extends to the boardrooms and watering holes of Lagos, the business capital. There, sleekly suited bankers are licking their fingers. “We are printing extra business cards,” says one. Foreign investors, too, see a chance of good times ahead on the back of reforms promised by Mr Jonathan. They speak of billions held in offshore accounts, ready to be injected into the economy if the political stars align. A senior Western diplomat calls this “a real opportunity for Nigeria to kick itself into a new sphere”.

Though widely shared, that sentiment has not silenced the general dissatisfaction. If anything, it has grown louder as reform plans take shape and the rascal ways of the political class are unmistakably identified as the main reason for the lack of prosperity. The economy may be growing by 7% a year, but this feeds mostly the greedy mouths closest to government troughs. The speaker of the lower house of parliament was investigated this month for “misappropriating” $140m. Meanwhile, about 70% of Nigerians live on less than $2 a day.

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